the people

Silent Majority Speaks

Rescuing Democracy in the United Kingdom from our current Elected Dictatorship

Spin, not face-to-face confrontations with the voters, is the Government's chosen method of communication. Ordinary people are dangerous. Ordinary people might ask a question which throws a politician 'off message'; the Cabinet member might reveal himself or herself to be a human being like us, and not a programmed android. Worse still, he or she might tell the truth.

Ann Leslie - Daily Mail, September 16, 2004

 
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Met to spend £1m on race and gay equality advisers

The mismanagement of the police is a national scandal. Gimmicks and jargon are now substitutes for action

by Iain Gordon, Former Metropolitan Police Detective Inspector - Daily Mail, August 12, 2004

The British police were once renowned as the finest in the world, exuding self-confidence, authority and integrity. Those qualities were a central reason why Britain was such a crime-free peaceful country. But they are rapidly being lost as our police become increasingly demoralised and leaderless. Unsurprisingly, in a society where the police have so badly lost their way, crime and disorder are on the rise.

Police chiefs are fond of blaming their problems on 'lack of resources'. Only last week the Association of Police Authorities warned that because of alleged underfunding, some forces would have to 'look at cuts' to meet their deficits. Financial difficulties have also been cited to explain the revelation this week that three police stations a month have been closing since Labour came to power in 1997.

But this is nonsense. The truth is that more money is being poured into the police than ever before - overall, police funding has gone up by 30% since 2001 - but so much of it is being wasted because of mismanagement, bureaucracy, gimmickry and warped priorities.

Disillusioned

I know this because I spent 30 years as a police officer in London, beginning as a young constable on the beat and eventually rising to the rank of detective inspector. But having once planned to spend my entire career in the Met., I eventually left because I had become so disillusioned with the modern approach to policing, which appeared to be driven by procedures and political correctness rather than any desire to tackle crime.

Policing should be a relatively simple job, based on providing a visible reassurance to the public, but it has been made unnecessarily complex by a mixture of academic theorising, fashionable ideology and an obsession with new hardware. And the results have been disastrous.

The most dramatic change I witnessed during my three decades in the Met was the withdrawal of the police from the streets. We employ more officers than ever before, yet they are distinguished only by their absence. When I began in the mid-Sixties at Harrow Road police station in West London, working the beat was by far the most important part of the job. The Superintendent, who today would probably carry the grand title of 'Borough Commander', made it clear he expected his officers on duty to be out on patrol at all times, unless there were exceptional circumstances.

On one occasion, he actually threatened to sack me when he found me in the station, despite the fact that I had arrived to report a possible fatal accident. Moreover, he lived up to his own ethos; he could be seen walking the beat himself at all hours of the night, something that would be unthinkable for today's cosseted chiefs. Such was the emphasis on beat policing that if a serious crime occurred on an officer's patrol, he could be required to provide a duty statement explaining exactly where he was at the time of the incident.

But from the Seventies, the beat went out of fashion. This was partly because of the introduction of the panda car, which was said to be a more effective way of covering a patch. But the reality was that, once they were inside their cars, the police became more remote from the public and less inclined to take instant action to deal with a crime. I have actually been with other officers who could witness a suspicious incident but would prefer to explain it away rather than get out of the car to investigate.

More importantly, academics told chief constables and politicians that the beat was an ineffective use of 'resources', tying up too many officers who had little chance of actually foiling a crime. This was the same kind of theory which claimed that small, local stations were a pointless extravagance, and instead advocated the building of vast urban fortresses. What the academics ignored was that a real police presence on the streets is the best deterrence.

It was not unusual at Harrow Road in the Sixties to see an officer on every street corner, while 30 of us would go out on patrol at night. The consequence was a crime rate far below that of today. Police chiefs talk today about 'intelligence policing', but the beat actually provides the best intelligence of all, because officers really get to know the people and problems of the area, something that is impossible to achieve hiding behind a computer or a steering wheel.

Failure

But instead of returning the police to where they belong, the political and professional elite have come up with yet another gimmick; the introduction of community support officers. This move is bound to end in failure, because these new uniformed wardens have no more powers than the ordinary citizen, and yobs realise that these pseudo-officers can actually do nothing in the face of criminality.

The mismanagement of the modern police is nothing short of a national scandal. Senior officers, fixated by rules and jargon, refuse to provide adequate support to the rank and file, especially when anything goes wrong, or some lawyer sounds off about 'human rights'. When I began on the beat, my senior officers would back me to the hilt, even if I may have made a technical error. That sort of loyalty to the troops has utterly evaporated. But then, in my early days, most of the chiefs were experienced, street-wise men - often with a background in the armed services - who had spent years on the beat and knew the reality of crime.

Today, forces are run by a new breed of university graduates who have been fast-tracked into senior positions because of their ability to spout the correct jargon about 'social deprivation' and 'community'. Instead of concentrating on the real work of fighting crime, they spend their time building bureaucratic empires or imposing the rigid new creed of diversity on their forces.

Propaganda

A friend in the Hampshire constabulary told me recently that the only time he sees inspectors is when a race or supposedly homophobic crime occurs. Similarly, the Metropolitan Police last year decided to organise and subsidise an expensive fashion show at the Tate Modern gallery for teenagers from South London. The stated aim was to steer youths away from crime; a far better deterrent would have been a few more officers on the beat.

Yet this sort of obscure approach now predominates. So rather than combating burglary, police chiefs organise elaborate 'victim support' schemes and counselling networks. Propaganda, mission statements, and rules have become substitutes for action. Rather than trying to attract the best recruits, they are obsessed with achieving the correct gender and ethnic balance. The former is a dubious goal; it cannot be seriously disputed that, though there are outstanding female officers, street police-women tend to be less effective than men, since so much police work involves direct, physical -sometimes violent - confrontation.

Similarly, to claim that police officers do not need to be on the streets is like saying that teachers don't need to be in classrooms. When I started my career, we were there to serve the law-abiding public. That should still be the central aim of today's forces. It is a tragedy that our police leaders no longer seem to understand this.

 

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Current and prospective Parliamentary candidates of all Parties running for election could share a platform at public forums in every constituency. They would be presented with  the results of polls on this issue expressed by the majority of voters in that constituency.

The candidates could be asked if their own views and that of their Party manifesto corresponded with the polls, and if not, how they intended to represent the will of the majority of local voters.  Local and National Press, Radio and TV coverage would be arranged and the results published on this web site.

Here is another powerful strategy for using your vote effectively in the forthcoming General Election. Send your sitting and prospective MPs a letter defining your requirements if they want your vote. This example deals with the proposed EU Constitutional Treaty.

Your letters would end: "If you do not answer this letter, I shall take it that you intend to follow the Government line. I shall act accordingly in the forthcoming General Election."

Blair's defiance of the will of the majority of we, the people of the UK, over the invasion of Iraq must be exposed by voters as a matter or urgency, and not just in the two by-elections we have had this July and the European elections in June 2004. But how can this be done?

The most effective way of getting our deceitful PM to resign would be to mobilise the army of Labour MPs currently in the House of Commons and get them to demand it, the loss of their seat to be a penalty if they did not. All voters in Labour-held constituencies need to write a letter along these lines to their local Labour MPs:

Here's one to get Tony Blair to resign:

Dear

Despite his absolute and unequivocal assurances over the past year of the serious risk to our security of Saddam Hussein's 'weapons of mass destruction', Prime Minister Blair has admitted, that the threat was non-existent. For that critical error of judgement and for his gross incompetence in handling this very important issue, I ask you to take immediate steps to ensure that Tony Blair does the honourable thing and resign without delay..

I would therefore be much obliged if you would propose and help mobilise a Parliamentary vote of 'No Confidence' in Mr Blair which, despite Labour's huge majority, would leave the PM with no option but to resign.

If I get no reply to this letter, I shall assume you will continue to support Mr Blair as our Prime Minister. In such circumstances I shall not vote for you in the forthcoming General Election.

Signed:

Simple, non-violent, protest letters along these lines on a variety of issues could be the basis for re-vitalising our democracy and increasing voters' interest and participation in politics. Download a printable copy of the above letter here.

Or why not create a questionnaire that you send to all the candidates in your constituency, getting them to give yes/no answers to questions of your choice, and ending it with the same paragraph(above).

Download a printable example of the questionnaire.

It is high time for the people of this United Kingdom to stop allowing themselves to be manipulated by politicians. We need our representatives in Parliament to genuinely reflect the view of the majority in their own constituency, even if this means going against their personal and/or their party's policy. While they may argue their case, hoping to change the minds of the majority in their constituency, they should ultimately be obliged to reflect the majority view of those who elect them. 

It will be argued by politicians of all parties that most voters don't have the knowledge necessary to express an opinion on important subjects at issue, and that our vote is a form of delegated democracy. We should argue that it is their duty to ensure that we voters do have ready access to such information as is necessary to form an intelligent opinion. That, after all, is one main purpose of Opposition Parties in our Parliamentary Democracy.

Most important of all, such proceedings would rekindle in voters their latent interest and obligation to cast their vote, knowing that the candidate of their choice would be more likely to act in accordance with their wishes. A much higher turnout in elections would be the result. Contact your local Party Chairman. Gain his support for setting up public forums in your constituency on these, as well as any other relevant topics, well before the next General Election expected in 2005. You should then, depending on the integrity of the candidate of your choice, feel fairly certain that your view on any subject being debated in Parliament will more accurately be reflected by your representative in that assembly.

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