the people

Silent Majority Speaks

Rescuing Democracy in the United Kingdom from our current Elected Dictatorship

Spin, not face-to-face confrontations with the voters, is the Government's chosen method of communication. Ordinary people are dangerous. Ordinary people might ask a question which throws a politician 'off message'; the Cabinet member might reveal himself or herself to be a human being like us, and not a programmed android. Worse still, he or she might tell the truth.

Ann Leslie - Daily Mail, September 16, 2004

Blair wants to leave his mark on history - looks more like a stain to me.

Peter Thorndyke, Diss, Norfolk - Daily Mail, May 23, 2005

I know I'm me - why do I need an ID card?

"Sorry, officers, I don't have an ID card. I never applied for one. It seemed a bit steep at 300 quid. I do have my free passport, my driving licence and my London freedom travel pass, each with my photograph. I have my NHS medical card, with its lengthy number, given me at birth, my RAF service book with my Armed Forces number, and a chit authorising me to wear a few gongs -including a General Service Medal with Malaya bar, for fighting communist terrorists on behalf of my country, or so they told me.

"I've also got various credit cards and store cards, all with my signature on the back, generally good for buying the everyday requrements for life as well as the odd luxury. If you decide to arrest me, I suppose I'll have to be photographed and given another number, besides my PINs.

"I'm afraid I haven't got a pension book; it was taken away."

"By thieves, sir?"

"No ... well, not exactly. By the Government. By the way, may I see your warrant cards please, gentlemen?"

Oh dear, they've disappeared. E. Harry Gumer, Romford, ESSEX - Daily Mail, June 1, 2005

NO means NO

When does NO mean MAYBE? When it's not the answer the EU wants. With the courageous French NON resounding in their ears, shabby, undemocratic self-interested leaders of Europe propose ignoring the part of their precious constitution that requires ratification by all members and continuing without one of the biggest founder members to prevent derailing the gravy train.

As in Ireland, they refuse to accept any NO votes, ignoring the will of the people, and re-stage votes until they can engineer the 'correct' answer. Sadly, Foreign Secretary Jack Straw dances to their tune like a puppet on a string. With tactics such as these, how can anyone really believe the EU has our interests at heart. Letter from Steve Penny, Kingsnorth, Kent - Daily Mail, June1, 2005

Surely the French result makes the £1million the EU recently spent on a treaty signing ceremony seem a trifle premature and extravagant. Letter from Keith Wiseman, Bury, Lancs. - Daily Mail, June1, 2005

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Britain has traditionally been one of the biggest net contributors to the EU because we do not get as much money back from Brussels in farm and regional subsidies as our rivals.

According to Treasury figures, between 1995-2002, Britain's average contribution taking the rebate into account, was £2.6billion, or £43.55 per head of population.

The French - the biggest recipient of farm subsidies - contributed £1billion a year or £16.08 per head of their population.

Tony Blair should know that respect comes by example - from the top. If a country's leader has no respect for the rule of international law and no respect for the truth, how can he expect anyone to have respect. Letter from P.J.Atkinson, Ashford, Kent - Daily Mail, January 12, 2006

The Chancellor's single greatest act of vandalism in almost nine years in office has been his wanton destruction of Britain's private retirement industry. By slapping a massive tax on pension funds, now worth £7.3billion a year, he has helped to turn the best private retirement industry in Europe into a basket-case in perpetual crisis. Together with the adoption of European accounting rules - which make it much riskier to operate a company pension scheme - hundreds of firms have shut their final salary plans to new employees and slashed benefits to existing staff. From Allister Heath: "I've seen the future and its grey" in THE SPECTATOR - April 15, 2006

Nine years ago the British people were sold a fantasy of clean and competent government of principle and honesty. Its shiny wrappings stripped away, the product now reveals its true nature: Personal greed, arrogance, incompetence, shamelessness, rash warmongering and an inability to accept - as is clear to almost everyone else - that it is time to go. Editorial - The Mail on Sunday, May 28, 2006

October 9, 2006 (1262 days since war ended)

Death Toll: 2744 US - 119 UK - >300,000? civilians - 25 media

October 17, 2006 (1268 days since war ended)

Death Toll: 2771 US - 119 UK - >300,000? civilians - 25 media

STOP PRESS

Taxed till the pips squeak!

The middle classes squeezed as never before. British businesses less able to compete. A £100billion raid on our pensions. So why won't ANY party speak up for lower taxes?

By Martin Vander Weyer - Business Editor of THE SPECTATOR

Daily Mail, October 18, 2006

'Within two years,' I wrote in this paper in August 2003, 'we will be more heavily taxed than the Germans.' Well, it took a few months longer than I predicted, but according to the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, that dismal milestone has now been passed.

Good riddance, Tony

As we joyfully approach the political demise of Tony Blair, might I offer a special valediction?

I'd like to say good-bye 45,000,000,000 times, once for every pound he and the fellow next door have taken in an underhand fashion from our pension funds: once the pride of Europe, now utter shambles.

By ignoring the elderly and the hardworking they have eclipsed that other smash-and-grab Labourite Robert Maxwell. Compared with today's tax-mad twosome, the Czech cheat was a paragon of fiscal virtue.

And please, Tony, no Sinatra-style comebacks. We have had enough of Your Way.

Letter from Ken Letouze, Littleover, Derbyshire

DailyMail, Ocober. 18. 2006

Our tax burden has been increasing faster than that of any other EU nation, and it has been doing so thanks to the two parallel exercises in deceit that will go down in history as the distinguishing features of Gordon Brown's chancellorship.

The first of these is his notorious habit - while sermonising about his love of enterprise and his urge to help hard-working families make a better life for themselves - of taxing us by stealth.

Whether in big bites (such as his damaging £5billion a year raid on pension funds which yesterday was revealed to have cut the value of retirement funds by at least £100billion), or in painful nibbles (such as his tax on private health insurance benefits for company pensioners - which took effect this year, to the bafflement of those who suddenly found themselves £800 a year worse off, after it was 'announced' in the small print of the 2004 Budget),, these measures have added relentlessly to the tax worries of the middle-classes while throwing more and more grit into the workings of the productive economy.

Shameless

At the same time, the second insidious prong of Gordon's tax fork has been busy at work. This is his habit of refusing to raise tax thresholds in line with appropriate measures of inflation, while pointing out smugly that headline rates of income and other taxes remain, as promised, unchanged.

The truth is that an extra 1.2million people have been caught in the top 40% income tax bracket since Labour came to power: Brown's devotees claim that this is because his economic policies have fuelled new levels of prosperity all round, by the reality is that he has refused to raise the top-rate threshold in line with pay inflation expressly in order to catch more of us in it.

Many top-rate payers are now public-sector workers and junior managers with young families for whom the extra slice of tax is a disincentive they can never have expected from a Chancellor who proclaims himself their champion.

Inheritance Tax - which sensible people argue should not exist at all, or should be applied only at a minimal flat rate to all estates - is a particularly shameless example of the threshold trick. This was invented as a tax on the rich, which would leave the modest possessions of ordinary folk to be passed on to their nearest and dearest untouched by the taxman.

Soaring house prices have made a mockery of the idea that anyone with £285,000 worth of assets is seriously wealthy - but that is still the level at which inheritance tax cuts in, catching more than a third of all detached houses in Britain, according to Halifax.

To have kept pace with house-price inflation, that threshold would now have to be upwards of £430,000, so Brown's proposal to increase it to £325,000 over the next four years is no more than a mean little socialist reminder that he disapproves utterly of the notion of inheritance.

Meanwhile, companies, too, feel the stultifying effects of operating in what is now internationally seen as a high-tax country - companies that are much more at liberty than individual citizens to shift their domiciles to lower tax regimes if they choose to do so.

HSBC, one of the biggest international businesses based in Britain, was talking this week about the possibility of doing just that - and if it does, many others will follow, taking talent, investment and jobs with them. UK businessmen now look with envy at their Irish counterparts, whose profits are taxed at only 12.5% compared to 30% here - and who have produced spectacularly positive results in terms of overall Irish economic growth and renewal.

Fallen

CBI director-general Richard Lambert has spoken recently of Britain's corporate tax regime as being 'unsustainable' if we don't want to see what remains of British industry destroyed. We have already fallen from fourth in the global competitive league in 1998 to tenth in 2005 and the days have long gone since Asian and American entrepreneurs thought of Britain first as the most attractive place to put their European base.

But what is so remarkable about this situation is how few voices in the public arena are actually making the moral and economic arguments for lower taxes. David Cameron certainly isn't, though his Shadow Chancellor, George Osborne, is at least prepared to say in principle that low taxes would be better than high ones - if he hurriedly adds, the nation could afford them without compromising the NHS>

Clearly focus groups have been telling Cameron's speech-writers that his target floating voters are the sort of people who care more about hospitals and schools and their self-image as responsible citizens than they care to be seen as tax-whingers.

But we are, after all, three years away from a General Election, and it is not until election time that the real connection between disposable income expectations and voting intentions make itself felt.

In the meantime, those of us who are not at the mercy of tomorrow's opinion polls should take it upon ourselves to remind the floating voter pool, in plain terms, that paying less tax and being a responsible citizen are not mutually exclusive concepts - that the argument for lower taxes is about bigger and more admirable things than self-interest and spending power.

Stealthy

We learned in the Eighties, on both sides of the Atlantic, that lower taxes can actually generate a higher overall tax revenue to fund public services, because they can generate higher economic growth which translates into higher company profits and personal incomes.

More than that, a sensible simple tax system - transparent rather then stealthy and set at rates which genuinely promote hard work and enterprise - is actually good for the national soul as well as its pocket. It encourages honesty in tax declarations, rather than evasion. It encourages financial stability within families, from one generation to the next. It leaves people with more resources and inclination for the conversion of the exciting scientific research for which British Universities are justly famous into promising new businesses.

And it would do away with the most perverse effect of the overcomplicated Gordon Brown approach to taxation, which is to give an unfair advantage to the very rich who can afford expensive avoidance advice over the hard-pressed law-abiding middle-classes, who just pay up every time.

Somehow, in today's overcautious, soft-focussed political consensus, these arguments have become almost unsayable. But they are morally sound and economically proven. As Britain rises in the international tax tables and falls in the competitiveness leagues, we ignore them at our peril. We should declare them loud and clear.

B A C K

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