the people

Silent Majority Speaks

Rescuing Democracy in the United Kingdom from our current Elected Dictatorship

Spin, not face-to-face confrontations with the voters, is the Government's chosen method of communication. Ordinary people are dangerous. Ordinary people might ask a question which throws a politician 'off message'; the Cabinet member might reveal himself or herself to be a human being like us, and not a programmed android. Worse still, he or she might tell the truth.

Ann Leslie - Daily Mail, September 16, 2004

Blair wants to leave his mark on history - looks more like a stain to me.

Peter Thorndyke, Diss, Norfolk - Daily Mail, May 23, 2005

I know I'm me - why do I need an ID card?

"Sorry, officers, I don't have an ID card. I never applied for one. It seemed a bit steep at 300 quid. I do have my free passport, my driving licence and my London freedom travel pass, each with my photograph. I have my NHS medical card, with its lengthy number, given me at birth, my RAF service book with my Armed Forces number, and a chit authorising me to wear a few gongs -including a General Service Medal with Malaya bar, for fighting communist terrorists on behalf of my country, or so they told me.

"I've also got various credit cards and store cards, all with my signature on the back, generally good for buying the everyday requrements for life as well as the odd luxury. If you decide to arrest me, I suppose I'll have to be photographed and given another number, besides my PINs.

"I'm afraid I haven't got a pension book; it was taken away."

"By thieves, sir?"

"No ... well, not exactly. By the Government. By the way, may I see your warrant cards please, gentlemen?"

Oh dear, they've disappeared. E. Harry Gumer, Romford, ESSEX - Daily Mail, June 1, 2005

NO means NO

When does NO mean MAYBE? When it's not the answer the EU wants. With the courageous French NON resounding in their ears, shabby, undemocratic self-interested leaders of Europe propose ignoring the part of their precious constitution that requires ratification by all members and continuing without one of the biggest founder members to prevent derailing the gravy train.

As in Ireland, they refuse to accept any NO votes, ignoring the will of the people, and re-stage votes until they can engineer the 'correct' answer. Sadly, Foreign Secretary Jack Straw dances to their tune like a puppet on a string. With tactics such as these, how can anyone really believe the EU has our interests at heart. Letter from Steve Penny, Kingsnorth, Kent - Daily Mail, June1, 2005

Surely the French result makes the £1million the EU recently spent on a treaty signing ceremony seem a trifle premature and extravagant. Letter from Keith Wiseman, Bury, Lancs. - Daily Mail, June1, 2005

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WWW silentmajorityspeaks.com

Britain has traditionally been one of the biggest net contributors to the EU because we do not get as much money back from Brussels in farm and regional subsidies as our rivals.

According to Treasury figures, between 1995-2002, Britain's average contribution taking the rebate into account, was £2.6billion, or £43.55 per head of population.

The French - the biggest recipient of farm subsidies - contributed £1billion a year or £16.08 per head of their population.

Tony Blair should know that respect comes by example - from the top. If a country's leader has no respect for the rule of international law and no respect for the truth, how can he expect anyone to have respect. Letter from P.J.Atkinson, Ashford, Kent - Daily Mail, January 12, 2006

The Chancellor's single greatest act of vandalism in almost nine years in office has been his wanton destruction of Britain's private retirement industry. By slapping a massive tax on pension funds, now worth £7.3billion a year, he has helped to turn the best private retirement industry in Europe into a basket-case in perpetual crisis. Together with the adoption of European accounting rules - which make it much riskier to operate a company pension scheme - hundreds of firms have shut their final salary plans to new employees and slashed benefits to existing staff. From Allister Heath: "I've seen the future and its grey" in THE SPECTATOR - April 15, 2006

Nine years ago the British people were sold a fantasy of clean and competent government of principle and honesty. Its shiny wrappings stripped away, the product now reveals its true nature: Personal greed, arrogance, incompetence, shamelessness, rash warmongering and an inability to accept - as is clear to almost everyone else - that it is time to go. Editorial - The Mail on Sunday, May 28, 2006

January 21, 2007 (1332 days since war ended)

Death Toll: 3046 US - 130 UK - >650,000? civilians - 25 media

January 26, 2007 (1337 days since war ended)

Death Toll: 3067 US - 130 UK - >650,000? civilians - 25 media

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STOP PRESS

‘We should have been bolder’

by Fraser Nelson - Published in: the current issue of THE SPECTATOR - Issue: 27 January 2007

It is 7.30 a.m. and I am the first to arrive at Harris City Technology College in south London, where Andrew Adonis, the schools minister, wants to meet for breakfast. The building is shut, the weather is freezing and a kindly cleaner asks me inside to wait. ‘Are you here for an interview?’ she asks. I nod, and she offers me a cup of tea. ‘What position are you applying for?’ I almost spit out the tea and explain I’m interviewing Lord Adonis. ‘Ah,’ she says. ‘Him again.’

Most schools would go into overdrive before a ministerial visit, but this particular establishment is used to seeing the lanky figure of Lord Adonis showing guests around. When we meet, he admits his strategy. ‘When a Labour MP starts on me about City Academies I say, “Look, I don’t want to have this argument. Why don’t you go see one of the schools for yourself?” I send them here,’ he says, looking around. ‘They invariably come back saying that they want one in their constituency.’

The battle to reform state schools has been a bloody one for Tony Blair, on a battleground which his party regards as sacred. From the offset, Lord Adonis has been his chief adviser. Ten years ago he was a journalist writing about education in robust terms. He denounced the ‘comprehensive school revolution, which destroyed many excellent schools without improving the rest’. He deplored the end of grammar schools, a move ‘carried out in the name of equality but which served to reinforce class divisions’.

It’s the kind of stuff which is too hardcore for a Conservative manifesto these days. Yet its author tells me he still believes every word. ‘I have not changed my mind in ten years,’ he says. ‘If I could redo the 1960s and 1970s education policy, I’d do it very differently. But I think the debate has moved on from the abolition of the grammar schools. Nobody sensible, including today’s Conservatives, David Cameron or David Willetts, wants to turn the clock back.’

It is the first of many warm remarks about the Tories. City Academies are, of course, a modernised version of City Technology Colleges developed under the last Conservative government — state-funded schools, but with private sponsorship and running independent of state control. And it has become the template on which Labour is now building.

I tease Lord Adonis that the Labour flagship school which he has chosen has a plaque to John Major, its political father. He shrugs. His criticism of the Major government is that it failed to keep up momentum, and lost the courage of its convictions. ‘The Conservatives set up a pilot form of governance for City Academies but just managed to open 15,’ he says. ‘I will have 90 open by next year. I have 200 almost signed up, and that’s why we made the commitment before Christmas to have 400 signed up by 2010.’ And each will come with a private sponsor offering £2 million.

If he speaks in the first person — what he, rather than Labour achieved, it is with good reason. Since he started working for 10 Downing Street in the spring of 1998 it has been a personal battle — with the enemies tending to reside in Labour back benches. His move from No. 10 to government, via a House of Lords appointment, was deeply controversial. Yet he believes the City Academies have answered his critics themselves.

‘Until two or three years ago I was having impassioned arguments about ideology with people. I very rarely have those now,’ he says. He maps out a three-pronged consensus: that education spending must rise, reform must continue and there must be no return to selection by ability. ‘The Conservatives have accepted that too. They’re not for bringing back grammar schools either. Put all this together and we have established a new consensus.’

This brings us to the crux of his argument: that the City Academy agenda is one for all the parties — but it will perish unless it is pursued with utter determination. ‘The issue ahead — both for Gordon when he’s Prime Minister and also because at some stage in the future there will be a Conservative government — isn’t about the broad principles of education policy,’ he says. ‘It is about the actual energy and implementation drive of delivering it.’

It is always striking when a Labour minister admits that there will one day be a Tory administration. But Lord Adonis knows that he is unlikely to outlive the Blair era and appears to be offering his blueprint as much to the Tories as to the Chancellor. He main point is a warning: not to rely on the civil service to transform education.

‘You simply cannot take the view as a minister that being committed to something means that it will happen,’ he says. ‘There is no such thing as “autopilot” on reform. Autopilot means it stops. The civil service is a great vehicle but it does not motivate itself. Its job is to work to ministerial direction. Where those directions are not there, the thing shudders to a halt.’ And his enemy is by no means defeated. ‘The forces that don’t want change are deeply embedded in the system,’ he says.

Lord Adonis of Camden Town has more reason than most to be passionate about state education. He was, in effect, brought up by the state after being placed in a care home in Camden with his sister at the age of three. His Cypriot father lived in a nearby council house, but was working round the clock and only saw his children at weekends. The council then sent him to board at Kingham High School in the Cotswolds — an education which today costs £12,000 a year. From there, he went to Oxford, the Financial Times, the Observer and No. 10.

It is a path he wants many more to follow. He lobbies for vulnerable children to be sent to boarding schools and has also signed up two private schools to become City Academies: Belvedere School in Liverpool (alma mater of his former No. 10 colleague Baroness Morgan) and William Hulme School in Manchester (which educated Ivan Lewis, the health minister). Lord Adonis could easily use the language of the Left, and say these schools are being nationalised. Instead, he makes no apology for saying that the direct-grant school is back.

‘I see this as the basis for a direct-grant model for the future,’ he says. ‘A lot of independent day schools are looking to see what happens at Belvedere and William Hulme. I think it’s quite possible we could have 20, 30 or 40 of those within a few years.’

We’re halfway into the interview, and I have only asked five questions. I hardly needed to ask any. Lord Adonis speaks with the passion of an evangelist and the speed of a horse-racing commentator; he manages (I timed it later) 255 words per minute. It is as if he is trying to do and say as much as he can before the Brownite guillotine descends. He talks about his plans to write a book on his hero, Roy Jenkins, and perhaps one on his time in government.

‘My critique of the Blair years — and I’ll be writing a book in due course about it — will be that we had all of the right ideas but we could have been constantly bolder with the pace of implementation.’ But he did as much as the Labour party would let him. ‘I think we went to the limits of what was possible at any one time.’ This raises the question: would a Conservative government find it easier to implement?

He certainly sees no conflict between his agenda and Conservative principles — and again emphasises the common ground. ‘Everybody talks about Tony Blair saying “Education, education, education’’,’ he says. ‘But I thought John Major’s response was equally significant. He said: “I have the same three priorities, but not necessarily in the same order.” And today, that is basically what Blair and Cameron are saying to each other. What a fantastic thing for the country.’

We tour the school afterwards. Lord Adonis must have seen it scores of times before, but he is still drooling. He points out innovations: noticeboards publish children’s exam results fortnightly, inspiring low performers to do better. Healthy chicken wraps are prepared for lunch. The headmaster explains the boom in demand for other Harris City Academies opening in London: the brand name works. ‘We hear from pupils grateful they could get a place, and saying how they were envied by their other friends from primary school.’

The tragedy is that Harris City Academy is so utterly unrepresentative of the nation’s 3,500 state schools. And, after nine years on the inside of government, Lord Adonis knows that Labour has not transformed a system but planted a seed. And he pleads for whoever comes next — Mr Brown or Mr Cameron — to let it grow.

B A C K

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